Those Addressed by the Traitorous Tudeh Party's Central Committee are not the People's Fadaee Guerrillas!
INTRODUCTION
In February 1971, the Organization
of Iranian People's Fedaee Guerrillas (O.I.P.F.G.) initiated the armed struggle
in
Comrade Ashraf Dehghani, a prominent member of the O.I.P.F.G., was
arrested in 1971 and savagely tortured. She succeeded
in breaking out of the maximum-security prison and later rejoined the
organization. During this time, she wrote her memoirs, which have been
translated into English under the title, Torture and Resistance in
Comrade Ashraf Dehghani at first decided to stay in the organization as
a regular member and start an ideological struggle with the new leadership.
Later, however, because of certain actions of the leaders, and in the best
interests of the O.I.P.F.G., she, along with other comrades, severed ties with
this organization. With the support of the people's revolutionary forces, they
formed an organization based on the armed struggle theory, and retained the
name O.I.P.F.G. At present, both of these organizations use the same emblem and
name (O.I.P.F.G.). However, since the new leaders, who reject the theory of
armed struggle, always refer to themselves in their publications, as
"People's Fadaiyan" and do not use the word "guerrilla",
they are for this reason referred to in this pamphlet and by many organizations
as "People's Fadaiyan". In this way, one can distinguish this
organization and its publications from the other.
This pamphlet is one of many such works by the Organization of Iranian
People's Fedaee Guerrillas and has been translated by some supporters abroad in
the hope that some aspects of the on‑going ideological struggle within
the communist movement of Iran be better known to the progressive forces of the
world.
The Iranian People’s Fadaee Guerrillas
March, 1980
The new communist movement in Iran began to grow under such adverse
conditions that facing it, on the one hand, was widespread dictatorship
determined to destroy any struggle in its embryonic stage; and, on the other
hand, the Iranian people themselves, whose opposition had been abated to almost
a stagnant point, because of the treasonous acts and mistakes of the so‑called
diligent organizations, especially the Tudeh Party. Dictatorship was therefore
able to be effectively imposed on the masses of the people. The Tudeh Party's
"revolutionary policy" could be felt anywhere we would go. The party
leaders had escaped from the battlefield with such haste that their action
befitted the most glorious of traitors. They did not even have the decency to
cover up some of their dirty work before escaping. The Shah's regime would
discredit any move by branding it as an act of the Tudeh Party. This was
possible because for a long period of time the lack of political awareness made
it difficult for the masses and even intellectuals to draw a firm and clear
line between the Tudeh Party and Marxism‑Leninism. This lack of
consciousness led to a very simple equation = members of the Tudeh Party were
Marxists. They were not representatives of the people, but agents of a foreign
power. They betrayed their people; henceforth, all Marxists were, in this way,
followers of a foreign power and traitors. There are two points resulting from
such simple and Aristotelian logic, one positive and one negative. The positive
result was that it made it impossible for the above‑mentioned Party to
grow; and the negative result being that such a view was generalized and
prevented contact and communication between the proletariat vanguard and its
own class or other classes or strata of the people.
Because of such a situation, one of our organizational tasks from the
very beginning was to fight opportunism and first and foremost, the Tudeh Party.
We had to convince the masses that our movement, from any viewpoint, was quite
different from that of the Tudeh Party, so as to have them trust their
vanguards. To prove that we would not desert them in a crisis and escape the
battlefield, we had to shed our blood in the most difficult conditions of
struggle: To show that the real revolutionary vanguard of the people not only
would not betray them but instead, would commit his/her whole life to their
betterment, and to the benefit of the people, especially the proletariat. Our
organization would have to show in theory and in practice, clearly and without
a doubt, the great gap between two political lines, two politics, two
lifestyles, two cultures, and two moralities; one in the realm of the
bourgeoisie, the other of the proletariat; one belonging to the Tudeh Party,
the other our own.
We then could, objectively and subjectively, wipe out in our own
organization any base that would lead to the Tudeh Party's line of thought, and
also, we could practically achieve such a necessity in the communist movement
and people's struggle as a whole. One basic problem was our organizational
fight against the police, which had Tudeh Party members at its service. Because
of the above facts, our organization from the very beginning set forth this
principle in regard to our contacts with other forces: to assume every Tudeh
Party member to be a police agent unless proven otherwise. In this way, we
could prevent one of the main ways in which the police could infiltrate our organization.
If the Tudeh Party could not train dedicated revolutionary cadres for
the masses, it could at least be proud of educating and providing very clever
ones for the reaction. These elements trained by the Tudeh Party, who could not
do any constructive action for the masses, ingratiated themselves to the other
side wholeheartedly. Every Tudeh Party organization inside the country became
such a police network that SAVAK could claim they had a "crystal
ball" in which they could foresee any slight move even before it occurred.
The Tehran Tashkilat [Tehran Organization] under the leadership of the
"great" Tudeh Party member, Abbas Shariyari, the man of a
thousand faces (1) is one clear and bright example of the Tudeh
Party's revolutionary dedication to the people of Iran! The treasonous Tudeh
Party leaders who were living in their "brother" countries [fraternal
parties], knew for a long time that the police had infiltrated the Tehran Tashkilat
"to a great extent" and they also knew that Abbas Shariyari was a
police agent, but they ignored it because they knew it would have a very bad
effect on their prestige. This muck was afraid that this would hurt their
prestige! No wonder that "Conrad" Keyanoori (2), ever
since honoring
Anyway, as we have said, with the help of our revolutionary policy, we
could isolate all the opportunist organizations, the Tudeh Party being
foremost. However, because of the general conditions governing the struggle, we
never had a chance to analyze fully and in depth the Tudeh Party's basis of
thought for the communist movement. Today we are again witnessing such
tendencies flickering deep within the viewpoints of many communist movement
organizations that claim to strongly oppose the Tudeh Party, that sooner or
later will come to the surface. Now, the Tudeh Party leaders, perhaps sensing
favorable circumstances, have left their country, meaning their
"brother" countries, and have come back to Iran to busily gather the
"old" forces together as fast as possible After all, they are of the
old Tudeh Party members who had put aside their political lives, at least in
regard to the people's interest: the contractors, businessmen, bureaucrats and
artists who had been for years the preachers of hopelessness, and the
politically disillusioned - these are now building the "bulk" of the
party. But can any of these add any prestige to the justly lost respect of the
Party? It becomes necessary, therefore, to find other forces that could perhaps
help to surmount even a little, their political bankruptcy. The Tudeh Party has
been trying this for a long time and whenever they found any organization or
group anywhere which had politics similar to their own, have tried to benefit
from it right away. For example, at a tine when the Tudeh Party despaired of
any hope of using our organization, they wrote the following about a group
outside the country, which claimed belief in the armed struggle but were
showing tendencies to deviate from this policy:
"In Numbers 2 and 3 of the Noozdah
Bahman (3) publication, which is published under the
name of the Organization of Iranian Peoples Fedaee Guerrillas, two articles in
which appear detailed political positions of one of the factions of the OIPFG
have been published. These articles represent in depth this faction's political
stand up to the fall of 1352 (1973). The
reason we consider these articles to be political positions from one of the
factions of OIPFG is that they in the context differ appreciatively from those
of the Nabard Khalgh publication, which is the official publication of
OIPFG. These two articles attempt to defend the basic line of the guerilla
movement from a Marxist‑Leninist standpoint while attacking anarchism as
anti‑Marxist‑Leninist and anti‑revolutionary currents. They
point to leftist tendencies within the guerrilla movement as a serious danger
for the whole guerrilla movement." ("Again a Conversation with
OIPFG", Dunya, Number 3, June 1975). (4)
However, now that the Tudeh Party wants to enter into a political deal
with the usurper of our organizational name, they are attacking these same
publishers of the Noozdah Bahman. Afterwards the Tudeh Party played the same
game with the group that branched out of the OIPFGS which disgracefully exposed
them. Now that they see their policies very close to those whom vainly call
themselves OIPFG they cannot contain themselves for joy. This time they want to
use all of the historical prestige of our organization, all the heroism,
truthfulness‑meaning they want to use the blood of the same "young adventurist
isolated from the masses" for the sake of their dirty and anti‑people
goals; and thus tells "young Tudeh Party followers "Welcome, although
you came a little late. But truly, what has happened that makes the Tudeh Party
so happy? To understand this point one must perceive the essence of the Tudeh
Party's policies, and the similarities of these policies with those of this
group. In this manner one can understand the reasons for this Party's happiness.
The Tudeh Party is one of the most adamant organizations subjectively
and objectively. It is adamant in its decadence, adamant in pursuing anti‑proletarian
goals, while assuming the role of being pro‑proletarian. The Party's
policy is in accordance with the Party's method, the Party's method is in
accordance with its practical tendencies, and its Practical tendencies are in
conformity with the Party's class interest. One can truly say that the Tudeh
Party has never abandoned their political line. In every step they take they
follow exactly the same goals, the same policies, and the same interest. If
today the Tudeh Party imitates the preachers of "Valayet Faghih" (6), if
they vote yes on the new constitution and add fuel to the fire of the
reactionary rulers' power, this is, in fact, the continuation of the same
policy that approved Mohammed Reza Shah's reforms; called the 15th of Khordad
(7) move reactionary, and called the people of Tabriz ruffians
during their heroic revolutionary struggle in 1978.
We have always stressed the point that the Tudeh Party's actions have
never been the result of their theoretical mistakes, that all of the Party's
actions and reactions have been exactly the logical result of their practical
tendencies. If we accept that the same conditions necessary for a phenomenon
to come into existence, are also necessary to ensure its future growth, many
points about the Tudeh Party would be revealed. The formation of the Tudeh
Party was not the result of the Iranian masses internal effort. The Tudeh Party
came into existence with the support of the Red Army (8) and
began its growth not in the womb of the masses' movement, but by getting
nourishment from the Soviets foreign policies. Revolutionary organizations
always try to be the protector of the people's interest, foremost the
proletariat interest. The Tudeh Party has always tried to be the protector of
the
During the period 1944‑1946 at the
height of the
During the years 1950‑1952 when
the Iranian people were solidly in the midst of a determinant struggle against
British Imperialism, these traitors, with all kinds of plots and conspiracies
and obstructions, and by propagating their own "Tudeh Party"
viewpoint, were bringing about the conditions for this struggle's defeat. By
announcing their opposition to the slogan of the nationalization of the Oil
Industry and substituting "The cancellation of the Southern Oil
contracts" instead, they openly stood face to face in opposition to the
people and wrote in their official organ: "We want to explain this matter
with the utmost clarity: that we do not generally oppose the extraction of
Iranian oil nor do we oppose in essence the giving of concessions." (Neeson
Paper, Number 20,1949). With such a
policy can one say that the Tudeh Party has only made a mistake about Dr.
Mohammed Mossadegh? (11) The Tudeh Party
could not approve the national movement of Dr. Mossadegh. Dr. Mossadegh's
"negative balance" thesis (12) naturally was not
in harmony with the goals of the Tudeh Party and their practical tendencies.
Therefore, these traitorous leaders would have to say that: "Demagoguery
is the last arrow in colonialism's quiver and Dr. Mossadegh is their
representative.'' (Basouya Ayandeh, 1949).
This was a portion of the Tudeh Party's policies up to the time they
could use the people's power as a means for their own political dealings. But
after the treacherous act of 1953 (CIA coup), the
masses recognized the nature of this party and cut their ties with it. At this
stage, the Tudeh Party leaders had to make themselves available to be used. Is
the condemnation of the mass movement at the 15th of Khordad
or the condemnation of the mass struggle in
Anytime the Shah would disappoint the Tudeh Party's "Marxist‑Leninists";
they would inquire about lower ranking officials. That is why the
"Party" established close contacts in
Now there have been some changes in the rulers and different people are
sitting on the throne. The Tudeh Party's program is also obvious; collusion
with the rulers and the possibility of growth in this way. Changes of the
rulers bring apparent and strange mutations in the Tudeh Party. "Tudeh
Party Socialism" conforms itself to religion and the Tudeh Party leaders
themselves become mullahs (priests). The rulers proceed to suppress the
democratic bases while the Tudeh Party begins propaganda against democratic
structures. Why are we only saying propaganda? Because it lacks practical
ability. The ruling body brings the most inadmissible accusations against the
progressive press and behold, the Tudeh Party also starts propaganda against
the press in order to be able to publish their anti‑people newspaper
named "People" (15), alongside the Islamic
Republic newspaper. The ruling clique starts the phony drama of the
"expert assembly" election. The Tudeh Party takes part in the
election and introduces Ayatollah Khalkhali (16), as
one of their candidates. The ruling clique claims that their attack on the
The Tudeh Party's unconditional confirmation of this reactionary regime
is not much different in content and form than their view about the Shah's
regime and, in this manner, the Party leaders are keeping "the Party flag
flying high". Let it be so until the people bury them along with all the
other reactionaries in the graveyard of history. The most deserving propaganda
about the Tudeh Party is what they have said about themselves: "The Tudeh
Party provides security and growth of wealth and ease of conscience for the
capitalist and landlords." ("What We Are Truly Saying", from the
publication of the Tudeh Party's temporary head committee after the
Now what has happened that the Tudeh Party happily receives and welcomes
those who have taken the opportunity to use our organization's name for the
sake of their anti-revolutionary policy? In the past, the famous letters and
messages of the Tudeh Party addressed to our organization have always caused
this Party ever increasing disgrace. However, the most interesting point is
that although the essence of these letters and messages have always been
invitations to inactivity, unscrupulousness and conciliation, the Tudeh Party has
never, in any matter, found us engaged in a field of action that would please
them. Therefore, they could never extend their welcome to us.
We mentioned that the basis of the Tudeh Party movement is collusion and
conciliation with the ruling class and we also mentioned that due to the
present conditions, this party's disgrace among the masses blocks the
possibility of this "Party's" growth through deceiving them.
Therefore, the Tudeh Party is compelled to use the reputation of other forces.
To achieve this, they hunt down those forces in which they can see these
practical tendencies. We would now like to see whether the Tudeh Party's
recognition of those whose activities are under the name of "People's Fadaiyan"
(17), is correct or not!
At this point, we do not want to start an argument of how these people
utilize the conditions in order to infiltrate our organization and start
activities against it. However, at least, since they are fearful of the name guerrilla
and have quite understood that applying such a name to themselves is
meaningless, and have always called themselves "People's Fadaiyan"
instead, we also will refer to them by the same name. At the same time, we do
not want to start a discussion here on how, with the same "Tudeh
Party" reasoning, they have denounced our armed‑struggle policy and
organization's glorious past, while still opportunistically claiming this very
organization's past. At this point, we only want to discuss some of their
specific actions during the past several months to show that these actions are
in essence convergent with those of the Tudeh Party and with all the
conciliatory forces. Since Marxists believe that one should not judge
individuals by their fancy appearance or title or whatever nickname they carry,
but rather from their behavior and what they advocate practically, this
investigation can contain very important points.
It is about 10 months now since the new rulers have come
to power. But up to now, the "People's Fadaiyan" has not come up with
any class analysis of the government and have not taken a clear and firm
position on it. If we accept that as far as class struggle is concerned, the
discernment of the government's class nature is a very fundamental matter, then
we have to stop and ask ourselves: how and according to what plan
"People's Fadaiyan" is struggling? The truth is that their "plan
of action" is determined by day‑to‑day conditions. Under any
given condition, depending on their internal tendencies, they express some
vague notion about the government and its factions. The utilization of this
method is to create a scope and a possibility for later flip-flopping, which
the "People's Fadaiyan" perhaps call flexibility in tactics.
To justify not fighting against the imperialist puppet regime of the
Shah, the Tudeh Party put particular stress on the internal contradictions of
the rulers. It was always trying to discover the formation of different
factions in the ruling clique and it always tried to distinguish the
"provident factions of the ruling clique", "recognize the
important from the unimportant and grab the main chain" with all its
power. It always tried to reduce the struggle with the whole imperialist
dependent apparatus to one of abusiveness toward one faction or some elements
of within the Shah's regime. They follow the same method under present
conditions by attacking Bazargan to weaken this so-called faction and
let another faction become stronger.
At present, the "People's Fadaiyan", using the exact same Tudeh
Party method, have begun to recognize contradictions and factions among the new
ruling clique. They concentrate so much on the factions of the ruling clique
and try so hard to determine the line between "liberal bourgeoisie"
and "reactionary caste", and to recognize "the internal struggle
in the ruling clique on the basis of three policies" (18), that
they have completely forgotten to state finally toward which class interest the
economic wheel of the country, as a system, is turning; and, whether the
political power strengthens the Iranian economy which is dependent on
imperialism or resists such a turning, i.e., ultimately what class or stratum
is holding the present political power? Being expert in recognizing the
factions in the ruling clique has led the "People's Fadaiyan" to
brilliant and truly "Marxist" results. For example, in their view the
caste faction " had followed a conciliatory and concordant policy in
facing imperialism and had tried in every manner only to stop any powerful
widespread anti-imperialist move and control it"; but, from the
"People's Fadaiyan" point of view, with the capturing of the U.S.
Embassy, this faction suddenly becomes the center of anti-imperialist struggle
and "began to take up anti-imperialist actions." Naturally, such a
clear (!) and decisive (!) analysis would be followed by some oscillation.
Therefore, it is natural that the "People's Fadaiyan" puts out a
pamphlet in regard to the embassy incident and then speedily collects it back
and then again, lets out another leaflet and again, with a 180 degree
turn, publishes a manifesto which is, by far, more disgraceful than the first
one.
But what class basis does this caste have that makes them
anti-imperialist? The "People's Fadaiyan" viewpoint is that
"their class basis is the backward petit-bourgeoisie who still has not
been separated from the modes of production of the rising period of
capitalism". This kind of analysis falters very badly at one point. If
this petit-bourgeoisie is anti-imperialist and "the clergy, only when stimulated
by the petit-bourgeoisie's anti-imperialist moves, embraces anti-imperialist
slogans and moves", then why do they suppress Iranian peoples, especially
the Kurdish people? How can the interest of an anti-imperialist force be
secured by suppressing people? The "People's Fadaiyan" answer to this
question is: the reason that an anti-imperialist clergy "orders the
suppression of the masses" and proceeds "to revamp the system";
and the reason they move toward restoring capitalist organs such as suppressive
organs in the interest of big monopolies is that the big monopolies have
deceived them. (Refer to Kar, No. 35 Annex -attached).
That means that in their "class" analysis which is quite
"Marxist", an anti-imperialist force instead of moving in the direction
of their own class interests is serving imperialism with all its power because
of having been gullible enough to be cheated by imperialist monopolies. In this
case, in their view, practice is not the criterion of the truth, but on the
contrary, a force which determines the government's direction and is sitting on
top of the power pyramid; a force that has bought spare part weaponry from the
U.S. in preparation for a general massacre of the Kurdish people; orders a Jihad
(holy-war) to suppress the just struggle of the Kurdish people; a force, that
systematically used the news media against the Kurdish people; has done all of
this just because of being "gullible", and having been deceived by
the big monopolies, and therefore, is still anti-imperialist!
The "People's Fadaiyan" insistence on purifying the ruling
clique feature has released them from struggle against it, and as we know their
job is limited to attacking some elements in the government apparatus -like Chamran,
Ghotbzadeh, etc., whose true faces are known to everyone, and try
instead to "recognize the important from the unimportant, and to grab the
main chain with all their power". Sometimes they turn to this faction,
sometimes to that, trying to unite with them. Not a long period of time has elapsed
since the time when they believed that the "Bazargan
administration" must be supported against the "backward caste",
and then suddenly with the embassy incident, they become the defender of the
other "faction".
Analyzing the
Even a not so incisive look at the theoretical manifesto about the
The analysis does not come to an end at this point. When they say,
"The solution to the peoples' question through war is only in the interest
of Imperialist Zionism and their dependent reaction." (Kar
Headline, No. 29), or: "We announce one more time that
the solution to the people's problems and also the problem of nationalities
through war is only in the interest of Imperialist Zionism and their dependent
reaction." (Kar, article No. 19), what
are they hinting at? We see that class analysis, once again, disappears from
their writings. Certainly the "People's Fadaiyan" do not believe that
the proletariat is in the ruling power. How is it then that in a condition
where a non-proletarian class or classes are in power (with whatever analysis
they may have), they want to solve the people's problems and the problem of
nationalities, and yet through peaceful means, and they consider any outbreak
of war to solve these problems in the interest of Imperialism, Zionism, and
reaction? Can such a discourse, whether the "People's Fadaiyan"
intend to or not, be anything else but the thesis of the "peaceful
transition" of the old experienced revisionists? The "People's Fadaiyan"
will say: You see they distort our discourse. Have we propounded these matters
with respect to today's conditions? We answer: Today's conditions are a general
topic. You have frequently, during the course of your movement since the
uprising in
In the pamphlet, "Interview with comrade Ashraf Dehghani"
in regard to those opportunists who reject the method of armed struggle on the
grounds of its being "isolated from the masses", we have said that
they fundamentally oppose the masses' revolutionary violence and everyday bring
this up under various topics. Now, when the "People's Fadaiyan"
divulge that the war in Kurdistan is in the interest of imperialism and
Zionism; and thus, refuse to take part in the masses' war; and talk about
"democratic peace" in Kurdistan, and distort the events that happened
there in this manner, wouldn't it confirm the truth of what we have said? Does
utilization of revolutionary violence against anti-revolutionary violence end
up in the interest of imperialism and Zionism? Isn't the "democratic
peace" of the "People's Fadaiyan", the same age‑old thesis
of the "Tudeh Party"?
Just a review of the "People's Fadaiyan" practical report card
during the last 10 months would be enough to reveal the
essence of their conciliatory actions. When the regime was forced to accept the
Fadaiyan's activities in their open headquarters because of the prevailing
situation in society, it was the same "People's Fadaiyan" who wrote a
letter praising Bazargan calling his government a national one, and
along with Bazargan, whose affection for the comprador system had now
been revealed to everyone, asked the people to be patient and wait for this
national government to act. (Refer to the letter of the "People's Fadaiyan"
to Bazargan, March 10, 1979). This
letter was so pleasing to Bazargan that he immediately, in his first
televised speech following this action, thanked the "People's Fadaiyan",
waged an attack on the workers, and supported the capitalists who seemingly had
suffered some losses during the uprising.
Their next conciliatory move was their participation in the formal
election of the "experts' assembly', with the excuse that they wanted to
go along with the masses. When it would be discussed with them why they didn't
take part in the referendum for the same reason, "to go along with the
masses", they would verbally and coyly criticize their leftism in regard
to the referendum. Then on July 20, they cancelled
their own independent demonstration and sneaked under the flag of the clergy in
Baharestan Square to accomplish "unity in expression" without
realizing that the very next day, this same clergy in their Friday public
prayers would curse these "petty communists". Afterwards, with the
"capturing" of the U.S. Embassy, the "People's Fadaiyan"
completely revealed themselves in reality, and not only became the obstinate
defenders of the "militant clergy under Ayatollah Khomeini's
leadership" but also with all their power, praised the theological
Analyzing another move of the "People's Fadaiyan", which also
contains some essence of the "Tudeh Party", is worth giving
consideration to. Due to its own weakness to confront those organizations that
oppose it, the Tudeh Party always tries to unleash the rulers against them. In
this manner, they, on the one hand, weaken the opposing organisation and on the
other, show their ingratiation. In this regard, we can give many examples such
as the last one when they claimed that the Revolutionary Organization of
Kurdish Toilers has been involved in capturing the
Considering all the events that have happened and are going to happen,
the Tudeh Party's happiness is not without reason. The Tudeh Party realizes
very well who have hidden their fear-stricken faces behind our organization's
red revolutionary flag. Thus, what better suits the occasion than to remind
them of their father and son relationship! These "People's Fadaiyan"
have frequently pointed out that they consider all of our organization's
activities to be leftist and anarchist. They have frequently, in private
conversation, called our martyred friends, adventurists who have sacrificed themselves
for the sake of their own petit‑bourgeois goals, while revealing this
also in their crafty actions. Then, why wouldn't they give up our
organization's name? Why are these, who so desperately run away from the word
"guerrilla" and believe that the word "guerrilla" is
synonymous with adventurism, still using the glorious emblem of the
Organization of Iranian People's Fadaee Guerrillas? Why do they in their
publication "Kar", wickedly express their appreciation of our
organization's martyrs? Why, while their viewpoints and methods have turned 180 degrees
in the opposite direction to our organization's strategy and programs, do they
still attach themselves to OIPFG? The answers to these questions are clear. In
the same manner that the Tudeh Party knows that on its own with the name "Tudeh
Party" alone, it cannot ascribe themselves even a little to being
truthful, brave and revolutionary; the "People' Fadaiyan" know that
without such a wicked action and without abusing our organization's name, they
would turn into one of the tens of groups and organizations whose inevitability
of bankruptcy has already been guaranteed. They must, therefore, while
constantly and systematically directing their propaganda against our
organization's viewpoints and class standpoints, relate themselves to it also.
In the meantime, this notion would cause them some difficulties. As long as
their activities are under the name of "OIPFG", the masses' attitude
and expectation of them would be the same attitude and expectation that they
would have of a People's Fadaee Guerrilla. Therefore, any conciliatory move
would cause them grave difficulties, as it has been the case up to now. The
"Tudeh Party's" course of action is obvious and our people's
expectation of them is quite clear: if the "Tudeh Party" does not
commit treason it will cause consternation in the people. But is it possible
for a People's Fadaee Guerrilla to follow the "Tudeh Party" line?
Thus, we suggest to these Tudeh Party offspring, to these "People's Fadaiyan",
in order to free themselves from all the commitments that our organization has
toward the people and especially the working class, in order to free themselves
from the framework of proletarian actions, and to avoid having constant
organizational crises, to let go of our organization's name. In this way, they
could then, like a "sincere Tudeh Party follower", arrange their
methods and policies in accordance with their exact practical tendencies and
their own class interest; since anyway whether they want it or not, the course
of struggle would separate the wheat from the chaff, the revolutionary from the
non-revolutionary, and the People's Fadaee Guerrillas from the enemies of the
People's Fadaee Guerrillas.
Today, it has been revealed to all the sincere supporters of the
organization and all the revolutionary forces that the turnabout of these
opportunists, nested in our organization, from the armed struggle policy is a
turnabout from all the revolutionary standards and positions and is necessarily
treading down the path to class conciliation. It was not long ago that we
warned the revolutionary forces of our society. We warned them that the deviant
and opportunistic method of those "sitting in the headquarters" is in
clear contradiction to the entire perception, traditions and past struggle of
the OIPFG. We warned that the opportunist leadership and their disciples do
not have any connection whatsoever with the decisive struggle of our comrades
who laid down the foundation of the armed struggle movement and the Organization
of Iranian People's Fadaee
Guerrillas, and would try to divert it to the path of conciliation and
submission; an organization which has been founded upon the blood of the best,
the most sincere, and the most militant of our society's communists, and in the
course of time, would turn it into a caricature. We warned that these
opportunists, after negating the armed struggle, would place all their effort
in draining the organization of its uncompromising revolutionary content. Based
on these premises, we reminded all the revolutionary forces of the grave
responsibility to preserve the prestige of the People's Fadaee Guerrillas and
the need for efforts to prevent the contamination of the word communism with
their conciliation. We asked them that in order to preserve and protect our
people's armed revolutionary struggle to start a serious program of struggle
against the opportunist policy of those "sitting in the headquarters"
and by strengthening the People's Fadaee Guerrillas, do their duty to contribute
to the progress of the Iranian communist movement. Ever since, a great number
of the organization's supporters from all corners of the country have perceived
the importance of our message and by negating the opportunist leadership, who
still usurp our organization's name, have joined the line of those who are
continuing the true line of the People's Fadaee Guerrillas. In the meantime, as
time passed, the intense class struggle in society gradually has revealed the
essence of these so‑called "People's Fadaiyan" more than ever.
Everyday, they offer a new excuse to vindicate the new reactionary rulers in
spite of all their crimes, terror, suppression of workers, peasants, and
peoples, and their frenzied anti-communism, and still call them progressive,
anti‑imperialist and defendable. The new rulers' anti‑communism,
which chiefly serves to divert the people's anti‑imperialist struggle
from its main path to that of solidification of the basis of dependency on
imperialism, finds its causes and motives in imperialist ideology. But,
according to those "sitting in the headquarters", a faction (that is,
the ruling faction) inside the government apparatus is anti‑imperialist,
but does not have any motive or class interest to unite with truly anti‑imperialist
forces for this struggle, or to at least stop the furious and the harshest
accusations and attacks on communism. With the mandated embassy incident and
the unquestioning propaganda of those "sitting in the headquarters"
in support of the new rulers' crafty plans, they quashed their last efforts to
assume revolutionary poses. Now, after releasing the well‑known
manifesto, they have left not even a trace of doubt for any sincere element
concerning their opportunist policy and tactics. The timing of the release of the
manifesto in support of "the combatant clergy under the leadership of Ayatollah
Khomeini" exactly coincides with the arrangement of a disgraceful
conspiracy against the communist movement by the reactionary strata. These so
called "People's Fadaiyan" instead of replying to Khomeini's strong
accusations against the Kurdish people, and against the Iranian People's Fadaee
Guerrillas, and starting a serious program of struggle against it, gladly
received the "realistic message of Imam Khomeini to the oppressed
Kurdish people" and "the Yesterday's Pamphlet of the theological
school in Qom"(19), and forgot all
the crimes, atrocities, pigheadedness, and the slaughtering of the workers,
peasants, revolutionary forces, and all of the other toiling masses. With the
recognition of the conciliatory nature of these opportunists and our knowledge
of their complete departure from the OIPFG method, we will never wait expecting
them to defend the reputation of the People's Fadaee Guerrillas. These people
are not only irresponsible towards the comrades who founded the armed struggle
movement, but also since the past history and the honored name of the
Organization of Iranian People's Fadaee Guerrillas are not in harmony with
their organizational content, they're waiting to see them destroyed by the
dirty hands of reactionaries and, in this way, finally get rid of this
inconvenience.
We announce, once more, to all true people's revolutionaries and to the
militants of the working class that such an organization with such methods and
policies is completely alien to the honored Organization of Iranian People's Fadaee
Guerrillas, and these opportunists' efforts and standpoints can only divert the
movement and repeat the painful defeats, and as a result, discredit the Fadaee's
name.
That segment of the revolutionary forces that has the responsibility of
continuing the communist movement forward, with regard to the point that today
the name communism is identified with the name OIPFG among the masses, must
with ever more responsibility and commitment strive for the preservation and
the reputation of this name. Vindication of the activities of those who usurped
our organization's name or silence in response to that would give a free hand
to the opportunists to contaminate the Fadaee's name with all kinds of
conciliation. Also, it would make it possible for the other opportunist forces
and the reaction to discredit the OIPFG among the masses through the channel of
the "People's Fadaiyan". Struggle, rejecting the existing conditions
without any conservatism and efforts toward changing them, is the basis for the
movement of all the proletarian forces. Therefore, those revolutionaries who
want to put their lives at the service of the proletarian cause, those who like
our martyred comrades want to deserve to be called communist, must expose the
nature of these opportunists by any possible means, and not allow the name of
the Organization of Iranian People's Fadaee Guerrillas to be associated with
conciliation, treason, and collusion with the ruling clique.
Ever strengthen the ranks of the people's fadaee guerrillas!
Down with wicked penetration of opportunism in the communist
movement of
Down with imperialism and its chained lackeys!
With confidence in the victory of our path,
The Iranian People's Fadaee Guerrillas
January 19, 1980
Endnotes
1) Abbas Shah-ria-ri
was a CIA trained SAVAK agent, and a member of the Tudeh Party. By setting up
the Tehran Organization he was able to establish contact with many opposition
elements and burgeoning groups, and thus was responsible for the arrest and
execution of a number of revolutionaries, several of whom were very famous. He
was executed by O.I.P.F.G. in 1972.
2) Keyanoori is the
present First Secretary of the Tudeh Party.
3) The Noozdah Bahman
was a theoretical publication printed abroad and many of its issues contained
the original text of theories and ideas of Comrade Jazani and his group,
formulated while in prison. These ideas formed a line that was critical of the
then dominant line in the O.I.P.F.G., namely that of Comrade Ahmad-Zadeh.
4) Dunya is a
theoretical publication of the Tudeh party.
5) A few members of O.I.P.F.G.
split from the organization on the basis of discarding the theory of armed
struggle. Their views, presented in a pamphlet, clearly revealed the basic
elements of the Tudeh Party's political line. The Tudeh Party boisterously
capitalized on the event, and attempted to portray it as a widespread
convergence within the O.I.P.F.G.
6) "Valayet Fagheh"
i.e. "The rule of the supreme clergy", has been set forth by Ayatollah
Khomeini. It asserts that the only rule is the rule of God, and it can only
be realized through the supreme clergy in the land. Therefore, the supreme
clergy must be the supreme ruler of the land.
7) The socioeconomic crisis in
8) The
9) The year 1953 was the year in which the infamous CIA engineered coup took
place in
10) Disillusioned Tudeh Party
cadres in the mid-sixties formed the "Revolutionary Organization".
Even though they strongly castigated the Tudeh Party's policies, they lacked a
specific line. Later, they adopted the "thoughts of Mao" and
upheld that
11) Dr. Mossadegh was a national Prime Minister (1951‑53), who opposed any foreign influence
including that of U.S.S.R
12) Dr. Mossadegh produced a balanced budget without the oil revenues, thus
trying to decrease the role of the oil industry in the economy, and declining
to sign any oil contracts with the
13) The mass demonstrations in
14) The allusion is made to the
mass struggle in
15) The name of the publication
is Mardom, which means "people" in the Iranian language.
16) Ayatollah Khalkhali
is the head Islamic judge, who has personally ordered the execution of many
Kurdish and other peoples' revolutionaries.
17) "People's Fadaiyan"
and "People's Fadaee Guerrillas" are terms used to designate the two
factions of O.I.P.F.G. "People's Fadaee Guerrillas" adhere to the
original line of the organization.
18) The "People's Fadaiyan"
contend that there are three forces in political power, each pursuing its own
policies: the comprador bourgeoisie, the liberal bourgeoisie, and the
traditional petit‑bourgeoisie.
19) A short time after the
takeover of the American Embassy, Ayatollah Khomeini released a public
message ordering a cease‑fire in